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Campbell Andtanley Experimental And Qua I Experimental De Ignfor Re Earch Pdf

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Internal Combustion Engines(applied Thermosciences)- Colin R. Ferguson & Allan T. Kirkpatrick(2001)

To browse Academia. Skip to main content. By using our site, you agree to our collection of information through the use of cookies. To learn more, view our Privacy Policy. Log In Sign Up. Download Free PDF. Disarming Patriarchy: feminism and political action at Greenham Sasha Roseneil.

Download PDF. A short summary of this paper. Disarming Patriarchy: feminism and political action at Greenham. Includes bibliognphiC3. Women and peace. Antinuclear rnovernent-c-Grea! R67 Jane Deighton discussed court cases with me. I am grateful to them for the variety of perspectives which they brought to bear on the project, and the assistance this gave me in developing my ideas. The research was supported financially by a srudentship from the Economic and Social Research Council, the Metcalfe Studentship from the University of London, and a grant for transcription from the London School of Economics.

Karen McMullen rescued me from despair by transcribing many of the interviews. Thank you, also, to the women with whom I had adventures at Grccnham in , particularly Rebecca Long and Liz Galst. All my parents, Wendy, Sidney, and Pat - are owed thanks for their lack of intervention when I went to live at Grecnharn, and together with my sister, Justine, for their support over the years.

My grandmother, Margaret O'Connell, who was involved in me Comminee of long before I was born, has been a source of inspiration as far back as 1 can remember. Rebecca Johnson and Lisa Adkins have been good friends during me wnring of thc book. Above all, though, thanks to Nicky Edwards, for everything. I The question of how this is to be done is, therefore, one of feminism's central concerns, and is also my subject here.

This book is about how, at one historically specific moment, in one particular place in the world, women acted together 0 confront patriarchy and to challenge militarism.

My focus is on a women's movement which began in Britain in , and which mobilized more women than any other since the campaigns for suffrage of the early years of the twentieth century - Grccnham Common.? These two words have come to represent not the United States Air Force base at which Cruise missiles were stationed between and , but an instance, place, and style of feminist political action.

A movement of importance both globally and in the lives of tens of thousands of women, Greenham deserves the serious attention of fem- inists and those interested in social movements. My theoretical project is to contribute to the understanding of women's agency.

Historically, feminist sociology has been bencr at exposing, naming, and analysing the structural oppression of women than it has been at theorizing and tracing the contours of women's agency and rcsisrancc.!

In the past, there has been a tendency to portray women as 'the passive victims of a mechanistic and deter- ministic system' Maynard Feminists have often failed to consider the implications of their own feminism, and often lesbianism, in the theories they have constructed.

Surprisingly little has been written by feminist sociologists about women's movements and feminist campaigns leaving the area largely to feminist historians , or about feminist consciousness and empowerment. And is particularly evident in the feminist tradition within cultural studies, and in work on violence against women and scxualiry.!

I 2 Disarming patriarchy In their routine daily lives, women make use of the rules and resources of a patriarchal society, and in so doing contribute to its reproduction. Indi- vidual actors are knowledgeable about their actions, not cultural dupes, but the reproduction of structures is the unintended consequence of their action. They make sense of their action and of the world around them using the discursive resources, that is, the sets of ideas and claims about truth, which are available to them.

However, they arc also capable of transgressing the rules and resources of society, of questioning them, and seeking to transform them by creating alterna- tive practices and new discourses with which to understand the world.?

This can take place at an individual level, but by acting collectively the possibility of substemial rransforrnation of society is greatly increased. P By looking in detail at the case of Greenham, I discuss how it was possible for a movement of women to step outside the ongoing practices and discourses through which patriarchy is continuously reconstituted. I analyse the way in which women created this social movement, constructing :I collective identity and engaging in the daily practices of maintaining its cohesion.

And I examine the many different actions which they took to challenge patriarchy and militarism, in order to reach an assessment of Greenham's transformative impact. To prefigure my conclusions, I will argue thai women at Greenham posed a very significant challenge both to their first and most obvious target - the nuclear policies of the United States and NATO within Britain - and in their wider project of disrupting dominant gender relations.

Greenharn occupied :1 position of liminality, outside many of the structures of contemporary western societies - outside the hererorclarional dynamic of patriarchy Raymond , outside the private sphere of women's subordination, outside the framework of male- dominated liberal democratic politics.

As a women-only community, Grecnham developed its own ways of working and forms of political action, and engaged in 'cognitive praxis' Eyerman and Jamison to create new forms of conscious- ness and new identities. The experience of involvement in Greenham was one of empowerment and of transformation of sclf: housewives, mothers, and 'grannies for peace' became feminists and lesbians; isolated young lesbians discovered com- munity; jaded veterans of left politics found renewed energy and passionate participation.

These have tended to be based on constructions of Greenham in the media and the l'ery earliest external face presented by the camp. The features of Grecnharn which have most attracted feminist condemnation were its supposed maternalism and essen- tialism; yet these arc assumed rather than invesrigarcd e.

Onlywomen Press ; Segal Few feminist scholars have written at any length about Grcenham. In addition to two books by Greenham women themselves, written within the first two years of the camp's life Cook and Kirk ; Harford and Hopkins , there is one book-length study of media representations of Grcenham A. Young , and a history of the women's peace movement, which devotes several chapters to Greenham Liddington This is despite the fact that Grccnham activated hundreds of thou- sands of women, was the most visible form of women's activism and together with the miner's strike of any fonn of oppositional politics in Britain in the s and provided the model for women's peace camps in at least eight other countries.

Unlike much that has been written about Greenharn, I seek to present its complexities. I highlight contradictions and conflicts within the movement, and between and within its cthos and actions. Above all, the approach is diachronic; this is not a snapshot study of Grecnham, but one which teases out processes of change over time.

In the course of the book ] also contribute to sociological understanding of social movements. Focusing on an instance of collective action by women high- lights problems My approach to studying Grcenham makes use of the main traditions within social movement theory, but moves beyond them, suggesting critique and synthesis. Womcn have histori- " and traditionally, supported wars. As wives and mothers they have waved their men ofT to ban le, and provided succour to returning soldiers, thereby con- tributing to the reproduction of the military Enloc , As official and unofficial military workers - nurses, drivers, telecommunications officers, pros- titutcs, camp followers, and soldiers - they have actively participated in armies, and arc increasingly occupying combat positions in NATO armed Iorces.

And, particularly in the United States, the campaign for equality within the armed forces has been an important parr of liberal feminist political agendas.

Nor have ali men always supported wars; the long history of pacifism, conscientious objection to conscription, and peace movements testifies to this,ll However, there is also a considerable history of opposition 0 militarism in which women qua women have drawn attention to the gcndered social and cultural practices which sustain armed forces, defence establishments, and the activity of war.

I" There arc three main discourses within which women have critiqued and protested ag:ainst militarism: maternalism, materialism, and feminism,ls The discourse of maternalism has historically underpinned women's peace campaigning on the basis of a mother's moral and practical duty to protect life. In its early manifestations in the nineteenth century Liddington , matcrnalist anti-militarism remained firmly within the hegemonic discourse of 'separate spheres' Davidoff and Hall , and did not take women into the public sphere to confront the military system.

However, as the ideological confinement of women within the private sphere weakened in the twentieth century, maternalism has been mobilized to legitimize women's activism outside the home, At times when there was no visible feminist movement, women's commitment to peace work tended to be framed entirely in terms of their maternal role, as was the case with the Women's Strike for Peace in the United States and the British group, Voice of Women, in the early s Liddington ; Swerdlow , Other women's peace campaigns, such as the Women's Inrernaricnal League for Peace and Freedom WLLPF and the Women's Peace Party in the United States, which were founded by suffrage campaigners, have combined maternalist rhetoric with a feminist critique of the gender politics of militarism Wiltsher ; Liddington Maternalist peace activism by women has been widely criticized by feminists over the Ia.

It has been argued that maternalist women's peace campaigning is reactionary and anti-feminist, shoring up the gender division of labour and perpetuating ideas about essential differences between men and women. For instance, Simone de Beauvoir is quoted as having said: 'Women should desire peace as human beings, not as women, And if they are being encouraged to be pacifists in the name of motherhood, that's just a ruse by men who are trying to lead women back to the womb.

Women should absolutely let go of that baggage' Swerdlow The implication is that maternalism is 'false consciousness', an ideology imposed on women by men in order to dominate them.

Undoubtedly men do benefit enormously from women's labour as mothers and homemakers Dclphy and Leonard but women's political activism rooted in maternalism cannot be written off as 'false consciousness', An alternative way of understanding maternalism is suggested by Ruddick and Elshrain This sees maternalism 3.

Ruddick draws on feminist standpoint theory and argues that 'maternal thinking' arises from 'maternal practice', the work of preservation, nurturance, and training r.. Introduction 5 which is involved in childcare.

This work is primarily, though not necessarily, carried out b ' women. Ruddick recognizes that many mothers have supported wars, but argues Ihal there is a clear contradiction between the violence of war and maternal work; not only the daily practice of childcare, but also the long-term aims of maternal practice arc threatened by war.

Rather than being 'false consciousness', then, this argument suggests that maternalism is a discourse which resonates with many women's socially con- structed material experience. It is a discourse women arc able 10 mobilize without seriously transgressing the dominant gender relations that have structured their experience thus, but it is also a discourse which has within it the seeds of its own Transformation.

Consciousness is malleable and open to change and, historically, many instances of women's collective action which have begun within a maternal- ist framework have become increasingly feminist as women stepped outside the "cry roles that they were seeking to defend.

This, I will argue, IS precisely what happened ar Greenham. Women's materialist opposition to militarism has focused on the gendered nature of the actual material hardship, injury, and death which is consequent on war and preparation for wars.

Whilst not in itself necessarily feminist, it has often occurred in conjunction with a feminist critique of the gender politics of militar- ism. The classic example of materialist opposition to war was Emily Hobhousc's campaigning for the women and children displaced by the Boer W:Ir. She argued that the 'brunt of the war' fell on non-combatants, primarily women and children, and she challenged the convention of counting the cost of war purely in terms of dead soldiers Hobhouse Others, such as Hallowcs Cambridge Women's Peace Collective , Swanwick Liddington , and, most famously, Woolf , have advanced the materialist argument that to the extent that anyone gains from W3T, whether in terms of glory or conquered territory, il is men rather than women.

Recent writers have pointed out thai increases in military budgets invariably mean reduc- tions in social expenditure, which disproportionately affects women 3. Militarism is seen therefore as contributing to the 'ferni- nization of poverty' Enloe ; Tobias ; Bcneria and Blank The explicit usc of feminist discourse in the critique of militarism has taken three main courses. The first focuses on the almost entire exclusion of women from the military as an institution and from the governments which take decisions about defence and foreign policy.

The second theme of feminist opposition to militarism draws attention to the cultural connections between militarism and masculinity and to the gendered and sexualized discourses of militarism.

The language of nuclear militarism is disasscciauonal; it is abstract, euphemistic, and sanitized, and uses blatant imagery of male sexual domination and female subordination. Moreover she heard disarma- ment referred to as 'get tingJ rid of all your stuff' , Wcst German politicians concerned about the deployment of cruise missiles were dismissed as. In :I similar vein, Enloe's , feminist analysis of militarism argues that military systems depend on particular con- structions of masculinity and femininity, and serve to reinscript hierarchical gen- der differences.

She reveals, for instance, how military training is 3 socialization process designed to inculcate an aggressive, misogynist masculinity into the re- cruit, both in order to prepare him for the job of waging war and in order to maintain the image of 'military manhood' as the apotheosis of male virility. The latter is a fundamental pan of the discourse of chivalry, which has traditionally been used to justify militarism: the idea that the military exists 0 protect the 'weak' women and children from the men of other n3tions.

This discourse has been at the forefront of recent transnational feminist campaigns for the recognition of rape as a war crime, following the widespread raping of women during rhe wars in the former Yugoslavia.

Your Life, Your Legacy

The package update concerned the optimization of data structure and the refinement of stochastic models for the random variations in wet tropospheric delay and atomic clock difference. The main goal of this paper is to compare the VLBI determinations of the tropospheric delay with its independent determinations using global navigation satellite systems GNSS. We show that both these determinations agree well between themselves only in the case of a global analysis of the VLBI observations, where the VLBI station coordinates are also refined, along with the tropospheric delay and the clock synchronization and Earth orientation parameters. If, alternatively, the station coordinates are insufficiently accurate and are not refined from VLBI observations, then it is appropriate not to determine the tropospheric delay from these observations, but to take it from the publicly accessible independent GNSS data. We have established the shortcomings of the universally accepted method of stabilizing the global solution associated with the absence of a criterion for choosing reference stations and radio sources. Two ways of their elimination are proposed: i introducing a coordinated list of weight factors for the errors in the coordinates of such stations and sources into the stabilization algorithm and ii adopting a coordinated list of stations and sources the refinement of whose coordinates is not required at all for a certain time.

Issued monthly at Logan, Utah Utah State The importance of the individual is emphasized at Utah State University as symbolized on the cover of this catalog. As this publication goes to press, additional impetus is being given to individualizing the baccalaureate degree. Further information on individualizing the baccalaureate degree can be found on page Utah State University has a three-fold purpose: teaching, research, and extension.

campbell andtanley experimental and qua i experimental de ignfor re earch pdf

ture's threatened cut in the University' budget de pite a wa rn - ing from Pre He ha supervised numerous clinical re earch tudies, We found that the qua lity of unveiled hi de ign for a million '68 Karlyn Kohrs Campbell of Mlnncapolis ha. senting the 6th District, and tanley Experiment tation \\' uld receive.

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Disarming Patriarchy: feminism and political action at Greenham

Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson laid the foundations for today's political debates between Democrats and Re. English Pages Year

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Unlike previous mods for Dragon Age: Origins , this particular one does not intend to add any additional content aside from those that are already present in the game. It is currently unknown why the developer decided to omit these elements in the final build, but it is assumed that time and budget constraints were the primary reason. Dragon Age Origins had superbly well written side-quests and activities that encouraged exploration but also had fat chunks of story-content associated with them. Dragon Age II had fewer of these and Inquisition has almost none. All the side-quests in the latest game are there just to promote exploration, regardless of whether the vast areas of the map have anything worthwhile to experience. The developers design massive worlds but comparatively spend very less time coming up with interesting content that is essential to motivate the player towards exploration.

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The question posed by this inquiry is: 'Is access to heritage-defined as the things we want to keep -so fundamentally important to our cultural identity and our emotional wellbeing that it should be able to be shared, fairly and equitably, by all Australians, now and in the future? The inquiry was triggered by the Federal Government's decision to increase the entry fees for visiting the Great Barrier Reef. Those who manage our cultural institutions and national parks are under increasing pressure to charge visitors to publicly owned places, and this need for raising money can be at odds with the desire to make our heritage accessible.

 - Здесь есть кто-нибудь? - Он вошел. Похоже, никого. Пожав плечами, он подошел к раковине. Раковина была очень грязной, но вода оказалась холодной, и это было приятно.


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